A article by Amadeo Bordiga on the role which Germany played in the two world wars and which the author expected it to play in a future communist. Writings of Amadeo Bordiga on this server (Italian, French, German, English, Spanish, Russian).          . Media in category “Amadeo Bordiga”. The following 4 files are in this category, out of 4 total. Amadeo 1, × 1,; KB.
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Amadeo Bordiga Archive
It would be an offensive parody to the memory of the great Lenin to confuse the respect for tactical flexibility with such deplorable circumstances, which only hapless and obtuse students could attribute to that incomparable master. Discover new books on Goodreads. We thus claim all forms of activity peculiar to the favourable periods, insofar as the real force relations render it possible. These had openly betrayed the Marxist teachings on the class struggle, opting instead for the malicious politics of national harmony, sacred unity and support for the war waged by the hordiga bourgeois governments.
He worked for the organisation of the Camera del Lavoro trade union centre in Naples.
Amadeo Bordiga (Author of Murdering the Dead)
This convergence was the result of our shared opinion on the historical course of the bordiag of the Second Socialist International, which came to harbour — as we used to say — two souls: Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Worker sabotage in a financial services call centre. The transmission of this undeformed tradition, to the efforts made to create, without historical pauses, a new international party organisation cannot be organisationally based on the choice of men, though very qualified or well informed of the historical doctrine.
It is also clear that Bordiga saw marxism as something which can be scientifically validated. Aircraft Carrier Imperialism 4. What do you think of the amadso that a split within the socialist forces had the effect of weakening further the popular front? I want to subject it to a close analysis and critique from our point of view of revolutionary communists.
This was to take place in When the workmate becomes a client. Fredo Corvo – Iran: With his best smile, which lit up his expressive blue eyes, he immediately replied: My reading of the forces in play at that time was concerned not with Italy alone, but with the whole of the European situation. The aims of this meeting were somewhat murky.
Category:Amadeo Bordiga – Wikimedia Commons
Today, what we can say is not that in there existed the conditions for a socialist revolution in Italy, but rather that — after the end of the First World War — the parties of the proletariat could have assumed the leadership of a successful offensive movement. The proletarian movement that led to the occupation of the factories reached its apex in the Autumn ofafter the Italian delegation at the Second Congress of the Communist International returned from Moscow.
The election success did not advance the revolutionary movement in Italy at all, contrary to what the Bukharin-Lenin thesis had suggested.
The new International arose declaredly centralist and anti-democratic, but the historical praxis of the entrance into it of the sections federated in the failed International was particularly difficult, and made in too much of a hurry by the expectation that the transition, from the seizure of power in Russia to that in other European countries, would be immediate.
Want to Read saving… Error rating book. Foremost among those theses was the conquest of political power not through the bourgeois democratic structures, but through the advent of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat and of its Marxist class party. Socialism portal Communism portal Politics portal.
When the current split in two inhe took the side of the grouping that retained the name, publishing its Il Programma Comunista. The objective of this new organisation was certainly not to gain the majority of votes at the Congress in Livorno, but rather to lay the foundations of the real communist party, which could only result from the open split between the followers of Moscow and the others. For Bordiga, program was everything, a gate-receipt notion of numbers was nothing.
This oversaw the armed squads established at all local and provincial federations of the party and of the boreiga movement. The Congress voted by bordigz large majority in favour of taking part in parliamentary elections, suggesting that all socialist and communist parties should follow suit, and not just the Italian party as the question implied. The Left historically tried, without breaking from the principle of world centralised discipline, to give revolutionary battle — although defensive — while keeping the vanguard proletariat intact from any collusion with the middle classes, their parties and their doomed-to- defeat ideologies.
The conference included members of both the Ordine Nuovo and Soviet groups, among others. Those who advocated the split, beginning with Lenin — whom we followed enthusiastically — always rejected it, persuaded that our course of action was the only one amdaeo could lead to revolutionary victory in Italy and Europe. This is what he said in about the Russian Revolution:.
Bordigz became strongly critical of science itself, even going so far as to say: It is not therefore possible to foresee amadeeo long it will take before — in this dead and shapeless situation — what we already termed as “polarisation” or “ionisation” of social molecules, takes place, preceding the outburst of the great class antagonism.
The executive set up its offices first in Milan — in the former customhouse at Porta Venezia — then in Rome at various locations, both open and covert. My impression to this day is that his uncommon amdaeo led him, on the one hand, to share and completely agree with my radical Marxist propositions, which he appeared to be hearing for the first time; and, on the other, to articulate a subtle, precise and polemical critique, which already emerged from the substantive differences between the positions of our respective periodicals: I knew only of Gramsci and nothing of this.
This change of name was a reflection of the Italian Communist Left’s view that the PCI and the other communist bogdiga had now become counter-revolutionary. Why did you oppose above all socialists, maximalists and reformists, who could have been useful allies against Fascism? The latter announced the public dissolution of the abstentionist faction, by ceasing to uphold the anti-election thesis and pledging not to raise it at the Congress of the Italian Socialist Party although it did not rule out proposing it at future meetings of the Communist Smadeo, once the actual effectiveness of the Bukharin-Lenin line on revolutionary parliamentarism had been tested.
He attended his last meeting of the Executive Committee of the Comintern inthe same year in which he confronted Soviet Union leader Joseph Stalin face-to-face. In common with most socialists in Latin countriesBordiga campaigned against Freemasonrywhich boddiga identified as a non- secular group.
This was the nub of his critique of democracy, for it was in the name of conquering the masses that the Comintern seemed to be making all kinds of programmatic concessions to left-wing social democrats. At the Congress of Imola, then, it had already been decided that — had we lost the vote — all of the communists already belonging to the faction would have abandoned both the Congress and the Socialist Party, and proceeded without hesitation to found the new Communist Party, section of the Third International.
This is not a position we took in — as your question wrongly implies — and I refer you to the documents we tabled in Livorno, as well as before and after that Congress. The Mental Patients Union, He drew attention to the way that, within this society, it becomes an autonomous and despotic force, and gives rise to an absurd level of specialisation in which no one can see the bigger picture.
At the congresses in Moscow, these accusations were never made by Lenin, but rather by his many slavish imitators, who were certainly willing, but always fell short of capturing the brilliance of his thought.
InItaly was shaken by violent demonstrations. We are used to call questions of tactics — though we repeat that autonomous chapters or sections do not exist – those historically arising and going on in the relations between the proletariat and other classes; between the proletarian party and other proletarian organisations; and between the party and other bourgeois and non-proletarian parties.
With his usual verve, he said: Out of a bordiva for discipline, Bordiga and his comrades who became known as the Italian Communist Left accepted the Comintern decision, but they were in an increasingly difficult position.